Factors behind the growing feminisation of migration in Africa

African migration has a long history. Migration from Africa has historically been a male-dominated phenomenon, but the pattern has changed significantly in recent decades. African women are leaving their countries of birth to create new lives elsewhere. Economic opportunities are primarily available in childcare, domestic and sex work. These trends should be of special interest to those in the policy-making spaces who are concerned about the wellbeing of female migrants. Migration patterns in present day Africa are still greatly influenced by historical factors such as colonialism and its creation of arbitrary borders that sought to divide ethnically linked populations into different countries. Over the past few decades there has been an overall rise in ‘feminisation’ of migration in Africa as millions of women gradually became economic beings with a responsibility to contribute financially to their families. As it stands now, nearly half (49%) of all migrant workers are women. An activity that used to be largely male dominated has become increasingly feminine. It was the norm especially in the colonial era for male labourers to leave their families behind and cross international boundaries looking for work, especially in the Southern African region where the South African mines proved to be a magnet for employment. Women are now more than ever migrating independently as a means of meeting their own economic needs rather than migrating to join a husband and family. This paper will therefore discuss the factors behind the growing feminisation of migration in Africa.

Economic pressures on the one hand, and demand factors, on the other, changed the migration opportunities of women and men, and in the process, also changed age-old norms about the spaces allowed to women and men. In Africa, for example, the traditional pattern of migration within and from the continent was ‘male-dominated, long distance and long term’, leaving women behind to assume family responsibilities and agricultural work. Shrinking job opportunities for men, however, has recently prompted increasing female migration both within and beyond national borders (Adepoju, 2004). Whereas traditional or customary migration seems to privilege men’s options, labour migration has somewhat equalised the migration motivations of women and men. Male and female migrants alike generally articulate economic reasons for migration in developing regions, migration is usually undertaken to improve the family’s economic conditions. Women’s reasons for migration, however, may be motivated by other non-economic factors. An important, though less explicit, motivation for women’s migration might also be the search for more open milieus. 

Gender-related factors, such as surveillance of daughters, or lack of socially accepted options to get out of a bad marriage, or fleeing from domestic violence, are conditions that can ‘push’ women out. In this regard, migration functions not just as an economic safety valve, but as an avenue to allow women passage into safer, more enabling environments. Gendered norms about migration not only influence individual motivations or household decisions but also state policies. Oishi (2002) has suggested that men’s migration is seen more in terms of economic criteria while policymaking regarding women’s migration is value-driven, i.e., influenced by values on women’s employment and their socio-economic status.

Movements of people from one area to another if it isn‘t caused by some natural disaster are primarily the direct result of inadequate economic and social opportunities in the country of origin and (presumably) superior opportunities in the area of immigration. Women migrate with the hope for better living conditions, to support their children, to escape political chaos etc. However, as the recent Human Development Report highlights, there exists the dynamic interaction between individual decisions and the socio-economic context in which they are taken. Impoverishment and the need to support family provide women with strong reasons for migrating. However, poverty does not always contribute to decisions and capabilities of women to migrate. It also depends on state and community settings, traditions and on family and individual circumstances (Waddington, 2003). 

Among other factors that may contribute significantly to the decision to migrate are for example, increasing labour demand on the service market in countries of destination, family obligations, unemployment, low wages, limited social and economic opportunities and the desire to expand their horizons. Women generally face more drastic decision-making and financial restrictions than do men, which can pose obstacles to freedom of movement. Yet income-earning opportunities can empower women and loosen traditional constraints on female mobility. Economic and social upheaval can also provide the impetus to leave: educated women unable to overcome employment discrimination in their own country migrate in search of an opportunity to find work that is more likely to better utilise their skills and that is better paid. Female migration is also motivated by other non-economic factors, including surveillance by communities and patriarchal traditions that limit opportunity and freedom, getting out of a bad and abusive marriage, fleeing from domestic violence, and desiring equal opportunities (Waddington, 2003).

Discrimination against certain groups of women – single mothers, unmarried women, widows or divorcees also drives many to move elsewhere. A significant number of women still migrate as wives, and therefore their migration status is tied to that of their spouses. In many countries, if domestic violence occurs, women risk losing their residence rights if they decide to leave their spouses. Women also migrate for the purpose of marriage. Arranged marriages are quite common in some cultures, especially among emigrants from the Indian subcontinent, where both men and women migrate for this purpose. For many, arranged marriages can lead to a lifelong supportive partnership, but some of them can be accurately described as forced (Waddington, 2003).

Moreover, mail-order bride businesses can act as facades for recruiting and trafficking women. Other contributory factors that are usually taken into account when considering migration are women‘s age, their power position within the family and their stage in the life cycle (whether they are leaving children behind or not), the capacity of the household to do without them, and the presence of other women able to replace them in their domestic activities. Migration processes with a female focus should be more closely scrutinised in order to prevent hidden risks and promote new opportunities for women and their families (Waddington, 2003).

 Women‘s decisions to migrate depend on many factors: labour market conditions, discrimination and exclusion, unfavourable legislation, risks, the impact on people left behind, etc. The growing desire to acquire an education and rapidly rising levels of literacy schooling across Africa has gained in importance as a driving force of mobility and migration of women. This often starts with local and intra-regional education. For instance, the absence of primary and secondary schools in rural areas is often a reason for women to migrate to towns, particularly when good transport is lacking, either by living in with family or community members already living there, or to by staying at boarding schools or other collective facilities (Haas, 2010).

Public debates and media representations of African women migration have paid extensive attention to the links between environmental degradation, climate change and migration. Climate change is often seen as one of main drivers of contemporary migration from African and other poor countries. This has frequently led to dire predictions that tens, if not hundreds of millions of ‘environmental refugees’ will get on the move (Myers 2002). Also the recent increase in unauthorized crossings of the Mediterranean has often been attributed to a combination of climate change, environmental degradation and population growth. 

Mobility deprivation also explains the complex effects of violence and political oppression on trends and patterns of migration. The recent history of African women migration exemplifies the relevance of violent conflict and political oppression in generating significant population mobility. Although the vast majority of Africans primarily for reasons of work, family, or study, even in regions known for refugee migration (Bakewell and Bonfiglio 2013) violence and political oppression plays an important role in generating refugee migration and internal displacement, particularly in regions such as the Great Lakes district, the Horn of Africa and certain areas in West Africa (such as Sierra Leone, Liberia, Mali, and parts of Nigeria) and, until the 1990s, in Southern Africa (Waddington, 2003). People may be denied basic human rights and the access to education and to a dignified life may be prevented, especially for females. Fundamentalism is such countries may easily grow, as it is the case with the deadly activities of Boko Haram in Northern Nigeria, that it is estimated to have caused the internal displacement of nearly 2 million people. It is to be noted that the majority of displaced people in warring nations are relocated within national borders, thus officially they are not considered international migrants, but rather internal refugees (Waddington, 2003).

Land grabbing is a phenomenon that has become increasingly important since the beginning of the new millennium. The term ‘land grabbing’ refers to the intensive exploitation of vast areas of land in rural areas of low-income countries by private international enterprises or even by foreign governments in order to implement large-scale intensive cultivations (mainly biofuels and food crops) or to exploit minerals, forestry or the touristic industry. This happens to the detriment of the poor local population, which is poorly (and often forcedly) compensated and virtually obliged to leave the rural areas to reach the degraded urban peripheries within their own countries, where they often live a difficult life in a different setting from the one they and their families have experienced for centuries. Psychological and physical impairment is frequent in such communities and international female migration may then occur (Adepoju, 2004).

A number of countries have a quite restrictive policy on sexual identity and LTB people (lesbians, transgender and bisexual people) face psychological and even physical violence, forcing them to hide their sexual identity. The impact of such policies on international migration has recently been the subject of some investigation that is in its infancy. No doubt, however, that an impact exists, especially from countries where ‘machismo’ is considered a value (Adepoju, 2004). The influence of the ethnic group, the family support both economic and societal is of the upmost importance for a specific individual to make the final choice to migrate or to stay. Educational level and access to financial means permitting to afford the migration travel have already been discussed above, but other factors such as ethnic and social customs are also important. The aspiration and desire to migrate by women is a crucial key factor that interacts with other external drivers of migration to build the final decision to actually migrate (Adepoju, 2004).

The majority of women migrate as workers or with their families, driven by economic necessity. The failure of states to fulfil economic, social and political human rights play a key role in pushing women to migrate. Thus, discussion of migration and the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) cannot be limited to those points that explicitly mention migrants. Fulfillment of all of the SDGs is necessary to create an environment where women can choose to migrate or remain at home. The growing power of corporations to displace people and undermine livelihoods, while demanding cheap labour elsewhere, is a central factor in driving migration, including irregular migration. Women migrant workers’ role in development cannot be instrumentalized as “agents of development,” but must be seen in the complex nexus of their choices, their lack of choices, their family relationships and their ability to claim rights, including economic and social human rights (Adepoju, 2004).

The discussion above has indicated that female migration in Africa has come of age as women are forced to take a leading role in meeting the livelihood needs of their families. Over the past decades, female-headed households have become the norm and hence the pressure to cross boundaries in search of work ranging from domestic care work to prostitution has increased for many African women. Understanding the drivers of migration within the African context will help to clarify policy choices and also enable to efforts to encourage safe, orderly and regular migration while discouraging irregular and other forms of involuntary migration. The commitments outlined here demonstrate the need for states on the continent to focus on long term development efforts in line with the SDGs goals, environmental protection initiatives, and conflict resolutions efforts in order to create the necessary environment in which the rising African women migration takes place with a view to harnessing the catalytic role of migration in development. 

REFERENCES

Adepoju, A., (2003). "Continuity and changing configurations of migration to and from the Republic of South Africa" International Migration Vol. 41, No. 1.

Adepoju, A., (2004). "Review of research and data on human trafficking in Sub-Saharan Africa" Paper presented at the IOM International Expert Meeting on Improving Data and Research on Human Trafficking, Rome 27-28 May.

Adepoju, A., (2004). "Trends in international migration in and from Africa" in Massey, D. S. and J. E. Taylor (Eds). International Migration Prospects and Policies in a Global Market. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Adepoju. (2004). Changing Configurations of Migration in Africa. Accessed on http://tinyurl.com/mtkfnhk

De Jong, G. F. (2000). Expectations, Gender and norms in Migration decision making. Population Studies 54(3): 307-319.

Hania Zlotnik, (2003). “The Global Dimensions of Female Migration” in the Migration Information Source, Available from http://tinyurl.com/2bvpz8h

R. Carlota, M. Dominguez, and J. Morais. (2005). “Crossing Borders: Remittances, Gender and Development.” http://www.sarpn.org.za/documents/d0001496/index.php

Waddington. (2003). Livelihood Outcomes of Migration for Poor People. Working Paper T1. Sussex Centre for Migration Research. Accessed on http://tinyurl.com/kprrfyv

Smiling and Frowning Faces Gender Methodology ( By Tapiwa Muzadzi Gudza)

This guide is intended to instruct the user on how to conduct a Gender dialogue using the Smiling and Frowning methodology. The methodology employs basic illustration to unpack gender issues and systematically address them. According to Mayoux (2016), the use of illustrations fosters creative and lateral thinking, and complex analysis can be completed on a single page with few or no words. Gender Methodology promotes shared decision making by analyzing interpersonal relationships and mapping collective solutions.

https://drive.google.com/file/d/14pIkXbZPYhLUOSdURBRPObs2ID_IcFBw/view?usp=drivesdk 

"Gender inequality is natural and reversible" An analysis of Gender by M. Miriro

The issue of gender draw a lot of attention around the globe .The thesis that gender inequality  is natural and irreversible raised a lot of debate .Applying  the theory of gender socialisation which refers to the learning of behaviour and attitudes considered appropriate for a given sex(Horton Cooley 1996) ,it is this papers view that gender inequality is not natural and it is reversible .The gist of this paper is to critically analyse gender socialisation theory in a bid to prove that gender inequality is not natural and can be reversible .The paper will start by defining important terms in the question and then explore the thesis using variety of example.

Gender refers to the social, psychological and cultural attributes of masculinity and femininity, many of which are based on biological distinctions. Gender includes peoples self image and expectations for behaviour among other things .Gender describes societal attitudes and behaviours expected of and associated with the two sexes .Gender are human traits, linked by culture to sex (Haralambos and Holborn 2004).Walter and Manion (1996) n maintain that gender is the difference that sex makes within a society ,guiding ,how we are to think of ourselves, how we interact with others, the social opportunities, occupations, family roles and prestige allowed males and females .This definition by Manion indicate that gender is biological but the fact that he said ‘prestige allowed males and females’ means gender inequality is not natural and can be reversible.

Gender inequality means that women and men are not enjoying the same status and conditions and have no equal opportunity for realizing their potential to contribute to the political, economic, social and cultural development of their countries. They are also not benefiting equally from the results of development.(Horton Cooley 1992) This means that there is a set up which is  binding equality and that cannot be said natural and irreversible.

Gender socialisation ‘refers to the means whereby social expectations regarding gender-appropriate characteristics are conveyed to the child .These expectations are often based on stereotyped beliefs .It has a dual significance for these children, that is, it provides them with models for present behaviour and it prepares them for adult life(Dokker and Lemmer) .Gender socialisation refers to the learning of behaviour and attitudes considered appropriate for a given sex(Horton Cooley 1996).Socialisation is the means by which human infants begin to acquire the skills necessary to perform as functional members of their society. The process of learning one’s culture and how to live within it .Sociologist, anthropologist, political scientist and educationalist describe socialisation to the lifelong process of inheriting and disseminating norms, customs and ideologies, providing an individual with the skills and habits necessary for participating within his or her own society. Socialisation is thus the means by which social and cultural continuity is attained. Socialisation is the most influential learning process one can experience. Gender socialisation believes that behaviour of human beings are not biologically set as other species, human  need social experiences to learn their culture and to survive. Therefore basing on this assumption it is of more great value to say that gender inequality is not natural and is irreversible.

The looking –glass self concept created by Charles Horton Cooley (1902) believes that a person’s self grows out of society’s interpersonal interactions and the perceptions of others. Therefore this concept states that if a boy taught masculine and girl taught feminine therefore those interactions are not inborn and not biological hence they can be reversible and are not natural but nurtured in humans. The assumption refers to people shaping themselves based on other people’s perception, which leads people to reinforce other perceptions on themselves .People shape themselves based on what other people perceive and confirm other people’s opinion on themselves. This Horton Cooley assumption indicates that gender inequality is not natural and it can be reversible since it is the society, parents or extended families which can also nature change into a boy child or boy child to achieve gender equality.

George Herbert Mead claimed that the self is not there at birth, rather it is developed with social experience which means it is not natural but nurtured in children as they grow up. These are sex roles nurtured into children as they grow up and this can be reversible .Unlike biological determinism and psycho-analytic theories which believes that gender inequality is natural and biological ,gender socialisation believes that a human being is born blank and filled in as the chid develops. This indicate that a child can be filled with anything to shape his or her self being therefore gender inequality can be reversible if that blank child filled with equality and nurtured in a way of equality .Sex roles can be changed if a male child is nurtured with an type of a job and the sense of equality can also be nurtured, the issue of superiority can also be removed, a girl child can also be nurtured superiority which means gender inequality is not natural and can be reversible.

Group socialisation is the theory that individuals ,peer groups ,rather than parental figures ,influences his or her personality and behaviour in adulthood .Adolescents spend more time with peers than with parents .Therefore, peer groups have stronger correlation with personality development than parental figures do .For example ,twin brothers, whose  genetic makeup are identical, will differ in personality because they have different groups of friends ,not necessarily because their parents raised them differently .This indicate that since twin brothers can have different characters due to different groups of socialisation, gender inequality cannot be natural but nurtured and it can also be reversible for example if these twins nurtured by the same group, same people etc.(Henslin 1999)

Henslin (1999) contends that “an important part of socialisation is the learning of culturally defined gender roles” .The word “learning” means things are not fixed or biological but learned through time. This content clearly shows that gender inequality is not natural but learned  and a learnable thing can be reversible .Henslin goes on to say that gender socialisation refers to the learning of behaviour and attitudes considered appropriate for a given sex .This means that gender inequality is reversible if the things taught to a given sex are being considered therefore this considerations can be equalised and the inequality being reversible .He says “Boys learn to be boys and girls learn to be girls”. This learning happens by many means of different agents of socialisation .For example family is certainly important in reinforcing gender roles as well as friends, school ,work, and mass media .If there are agents for socialisation, they can also play the same role reversing the issue of superiority about masculine and feminine. They can play awareness of gender equality  for example mass media adverts can use girls to advertise engineering products and even construction and use boys to advertise in salons and catering thereby reversing the issue of superiority about masculine and feminine.

Gender socialisation states that behaviour is determined by the environment. This means the change of environment brings also change to the people therefore change in inequality and the situation can be reversible .Gender socialisation is the process of educating and instructing males and females as to the norms, behaviours, values, and beliefs of group membership as men or women .If it is a “process” and “instruction” which means it is not natural and can be reversible .Instructions can be changed and are reversible.

Murdock in Haralambos and Holborn (2004) says that family is the Child’s first window to the world and no other gender socialisation institutions rivals it in gender socialisation .This means the family is the gold producer of either gender inequality or equality. The case therefore can be reversible if there is an early change in family bringing gender equality A girl child can be nurtured to be masculine and do an sex role as well as a boy child which means gender inequality is not natural.

Murdock goes on to say that primary and secondary forces create, reinforce and perpetuate gender differences but the primary forces are the chief creators ,while the secondary forces are the chief maintainers ,reinforces and perpetuators .Therefore according to this assumption equality can also be nurtured by the family and maintained by secondary socialisation hence reversing gender inequality. It is the family which gives a child toys, assign the roles, position the child within the family and even give a child a name therefore inequalities are nurtured and not natural and can be reversible if families correct biases over a boy or girl child .Equal positioning of a child and even equal sharing of any duties reverse gender inequality.

Gordon (1995) says that teachers may not explicitly each gender, but gender emerges on its own in the perspectives teachers bring to school form have and importantly in the curriculum. This shapes what the schools pupils eyes see, what their ears hear and what their minds in turn believe in through the ways teachers talk, organise and treat the pupils even subject allocation .However this cannot guarantee that gender inequalities is natural and irreversible .These secondary socialisation can also be sensitised and change in expectations and attitudes thereby reversing the inequality since it is not natural but attitudes and expectations.

Verbal appellations, manipulations, limitation are way of gender socialisation which can be said natural (Gordon 1995) .However since these activities are human constructed it certainly means that they are not natural and anything not natural can be reversible .Gender socialisation justifies patriarchal oppression of women through the socialisation process and ignore the issue that these are human man things and not biological like sex organs which cannot be changed. It ignores the fact that every human being hands are equally flexible for equal work and opportunities.

Gender socialisation includes psychoanalytic, social learning and cognitive development .Freud’s(1997) psychoanalytic theory focuses on children’s observations about their genitals(for example contraction, anxiety, penis, envy).It has not marshalled much empirical support since there is a sense of nature .Social learning theories are behaviourists that rely on reinforcement and makes people do things .Those theories once they mention environment there is a sense of change then .Environment do change which means behaviour change from place to place meaning it is not natural and it is also reversible.

Cognitive developmental theories posit that “children learn gender(and stereotypes)through their mental efforts to organise their social world .One problem with some variants of this perspective is the assumption that children learn gender because it is a natural facet of the world ,rather than that it is an important facet of the social word .Research shows that the importance children placed on gender varies by class, race, family structure, sexuality of parents .This means that it can be revisable and the issue is  not natural.

Bem and Coltrare views gender acquisition as a self-fulfilling prophecy. The most important insight from research on gender socialisation is that because boys and girls are treated differently and put into learning environments, they develop different learning environments, they develop different need; wants, desires, skills, and temperance, in short they become different types of people .Men and women then hardly question why they are different or they are ended up that way. The question will be if needs, wants, desires and skills develop due to how boys and girls nurtured therefore the thing is not natural but it can develop .If it develops it can also be revisable during the early stage of its development.

The essence of the self-fulfilling prophecy, people think boys and girls are supposed to be different, they treat them differently and give them different opportunities for development .This differential treatment promotes certain behaviours and self images  that recreates the  preconceived cultural stereotypes about gender .Coltrade alluded that the process repeats itself over and over in an unending spiral across the generations so that although gender stereotypes are being constantly re-created and modified, they seem natural and impervisious to change .The question will be if it is the “people who think” as she propounded then the issue of naturalist will be greatly questioned .She said it is a repeating process and constantly recreated which means there is an opportunity for reversibility. Gender equality can also be ‘thinked”,”repeatedly done “and “constantly created” which means it is reversible and not natural.

Coltrane said children learn about gender and how to “do gender’ because it is central to the way we organise society .Children learn culturally appropriate ways of thinking and being as they follow routine rituals and respond to the everyday demands of the world in which they live .The fact that she gave a room to “we organise society” which means societies are organised by people who are gender biased and if those people became gender sensitised and want equality the case is reversible since it is not inborn or natural. The fact that Coltrane admits that gender socialisation turns children into “cultural natives” who know their cultures reality without realising that other realities are possible which means it is not natural. “Other realities are possible simply provides a room for change which means gender inequality is not natural and can be reversible.

The theory of gender socialisation based its thesis on culture which is hard to change and gives a room to natural and that gender inequality is reversible .However due to both social ,economic and political changes around the world and the issue of globalisation it will be of more importance to note that culture is no longer that constant and things do change therefore the situation of gender inequality is not natural it can be reversible also.

In Lesotho gender inequalities are said to be reinforced by socio-cultural beliefs and practices (socialisation).The government put a National policy in 2003 to address the challenges and the participation of women is slightly improving. These indicate that though it took time the issue is not natural because it can be changed and by time the issue will soon be reversible if not yet starting to reverse itself.

One can postulate that gender inequality is not natural and irreversible basing on the issue that it’s not biological as postulated by biological determinism. Gender socialisation theory believes that society create inequalities which are natural. The theory forgets that there is no naturality in human creation but Godly made things. Therefore to say that gender inequality is natural and irreversible is an overstatement and abortion of historical justices. Socialisation is dynamic and culture is not constant which means gender inequality is not natural and can be reversible. Henslin (1999) come up with the view that there are many socialisation agencies which are very important in promoting inequality but that does not mean that gender inequality can be natural and irreversible.

Conclusively the claim that gender inequality is natural and reversible applying the socialisation theory is not valid to a greater summation .Since it is not biological but human constructed the claim become of less value .Due to measures which are taken by various African countries in a bid to attain gender equality, it simply mean that gender inequality is not natural and can be reversible .The only solution needed is to effectively implement the issue of equality through socialisation so that the next generation will attain gender equality.

Bibliography

Bem and Coltrane, A Social constructionist approach, Longman ,London

 Dokker and Lemmer in Heslin J M,(1999) Sociology: Down to approach, Boston, Allen and Unwin.

 Freud Sigmant,id2cego.2c and super-ego, http//en,Wikipedia.org/.

 George Herbert Mead, Theories of Socialisation .http//en.wikipedia.org/wiki george Herbert mead

Henslin (1999), Sociology: A down to Earth Approach, core concepts, Boston, Allen and Unwin.

Gordon (1995), Sociology, Oxford, Polity Press.

Horton Cooley (1996),Socialisation theories, http//en.wikipedia.org/charlse Horton cooley.

Haralambos and Holborn (2004) Sociology: Themes and perspectives, London, Collins Educational

Horton Cooley (1992) in Haralambos and Holborn (2004) Sociology :Themes and perspectives, London. Collins Educational.

 http://en,wikipedia.org/wiki/piaget %27s theory of cognitive development.

 ILO/SEAPAT online Gender learning and information module (12/08/2013)   

Murdock in Haralambos and Holborn (2004),Sociology :Themes and Perspectives, London ,Collins Educational.

.UNDP Lesotho country office; Lesotho gender national policy 2003,www.undp.org/gender.

Walter and Manion (1996) Society the Basics, Oxford. Politics Press

Types of Gender Socialisation in brief

There are many types of gender socialisation. Oakley in Haralambos and Holborn (2004) talks about the types discussed below.

 Canalisation

 Canalisation is gender socialization through interaction with toys and objects. Toys align children to play along the lines of behavior expected of them when they graduate to be men and women and again through interacting with these toys children develop different sets of aptitudes and attitudes.

 Verbal Appellations

These are the differential use of descriptions and labels among boys and girls like, what a “good boy!” or “nice girl!” or reprimands like, ‘oh! Boys don’t cry.’ This makes the children want to keep up gender appearances as the children internalize the label(s) and start to act and operate according to it.

 Manipulation

Manipulation is the differential attention and valuing given boys and girls like, mothers paying attention to girls’ hair. Soon boys and girls learn that different things are expected of them through the different treatment accorded them and engrave a deep sense of what it is to be a boy or girl (that is, a deep sense of their self concept.)

 Imitation

Imitation is when children observe their parents or other elders and try to be like them. They, thus, learn how family governance operates through observing adults at work.

Gender and the Legislation in Zimbabwe (By Trevor Banda)

The 21^st century global world is suffering from a syndrome which is rapidly spreading among different states of different ideologies, that of playing lip service to democracy. Evidence from around the world by any standards is showing an ever growing gap between legislation and practice. Women who constitute a majority are theoretically empowered on paper yet practically very little progress has been recorded. Male domination can be overwhelmingly viewed in the economic, social, and political spheres. It is important to note that lack of adequate women involvement and representation especially in the decision making and policy formulation is chief among the reasons which explain such a sad development. This however does not imply that there are no cases in which women have been elevated both theoretically and practically. Such cases are there though to an insignificant extent. Examples to substantiate the arguments will be drawn from around the world.

Despite ratifying various International and Regional legislation which foster equality between women and men in all aspects of life be they economic, social and political, women in Zimbabwe are still being undermined. An analysis on the ground is very disheartening. Women despite their majority are finding themselves being discriminated. According to the Zimbabwe National Gender Policy (2013-2017) since 2004 strides have been made to provide legislative planning and implementation frameworks for gender equality programming which resulted in gender mainstreaming in most programs. The legislation came in the form of the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination on Against Women (CEDAW) and the SADC Protocol among others. However, though these achievements have been made, Zimbabwe still has a very long way to go in as far as achieving gender equality is concerned.

To clearly illustrate how women are being dominated by men is to analyse the composition of those in the political arena in Zimbabwe. Women are still being found underrepresented in the country. According to Sachikonye et Al (2006) women in Zimbabwean Local Authorities constituted less than 33% of those occupying administrative and decision making positions despite them constituting about 52% of the population. The statistics are reflective not only of the sub national level of governance but even National level politics. This was despite Zimbabwe having been a signatory to the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women and the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action. The year 2004 even saw Zimbabwe ratifying the SADC Protocol which required 30% of the political offices to be occupied by women. Surely one thing is certain from the evidence, that various pieces of legislation have been put in place to ensure that the equality of women to men is realized.

However, as has been already alluded to, a thorough examination on what is and what ought to be shows Zimbabwe still lagging behind in as far as practically elevating women’s role in decision making is concerned. Women advanced participation in governance structures should be viewed as the key to redressing the gender inequalities in societies. If this is the case then what it means therefore is that women still remain dominated in almost all aspects of their lives due to the lack of them occupying political top positions in the Southern African country.

Sachikonye et al (2006) argued that if Zimbabwe is to embrace a democratic path, then gender issues have to be mainstreamed in the Local Government process. To them the process should begin at such a sub national level since Local Authorities are the ‘closest and accessible government to the people’ and therefore resolutions passed at this level directly have an impact on the private lives of the women. So in order to fully democratize the political space, interests of women desire equal representation in Zimbabwean Local Authorities. The Urban Councils Association of Zimbabwe (2006) provided the following statistics. By 2006 there were 48 female urban councilors consisting 13.5% of the total number of urban councilors throughout Zimbabwe.  

Quite a number of reasons can be forwarded to account for the small number of women active in politics, in particular reference to the Local Authorities. Chief among the reasons is the fact that some of the party policies are silent on gender mainstreaming. As such women were and are still being found at the bottom of party ranks. Another fact is that of cultural factors chief among them being entrenched patriarchy. This can be viewed in the simple fact that men dominated the most powerful decision making positions in the main political  parties particularly ZANU-PF and the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) among others. Another factor responsible was that of the low education levels which constantly haunted women and in a way caused them to feel inferior to men. Economic dependence of women on men, confinement of women to the domestic arena as mothers and wives, lack of societal role models and limited access to support networks are some of the reasons which explain the inequality which exists between men and women in political spheres in Zimbabwe. It would be unjustified to discuss the lack of adequate political representation without taking things to the latest political developments. The recent cabinet ministers appointed by President Mugabe surely leaves everything plain to see that Zimbabwe still has a very long way to go to ensure a 50- 50 representation of men and women in politics. From the evidence what can be deduced is the fact that legislation is there and by and large the legislation seeks to elevate women to the same status with that of men. However, what is important to note is the fact that implementing it on the ground is the problem. If Zimbabwe like many other global states which are going to be studied later, seek to fully embrace a democratic path, it begins with the enforcing the legislation which seeks to emancipate women from the shackles of discrimination which they have been tied with by their male counterparts since time immemorial.

To further understand the inequalities between men and women, it is imperative to note that they can be really understood in relation to the ‘polarizing tendencies of the capitalist mode of production’ Leacock (1977). Due to the exploitative nature of relationship between the core and the periphery, gender disparities develop. Women find themselves having to suffer the consequences of this relationship of a horse and a rider. Due to their labeling as second class citizens they usually get meager salaries for doing the same job with men get higher remuneration. Worse still women also have to fulfill their domestic duties, which shows how women are usually in this relationship.    

It would be gross misrepresentation of facts to discuss the discrimination of women in society and end the discussion without thoroughly examining the situation prevalent in the ‘liberal democracies of the 21^st century. It is sad to note that even these so called gods of development are suffering from the same syndrome which has gripped most parts of the world if not all, that of discriminating against women. Phillips (1998) and Rai (2000) argued that the nature of modern day democracy is placed on a public-private dichotomy. The private set up is considered apolitical and hence women are placed under such a group. This means that theoretically and practically their concerns are sidelined. Politically they are left out due to their suitability in caring roles as mothers and wives. Reasons which explain why women are finding it extremely difficult to assume positions of command in the politics of the Northern and Southern countries is due to persistent patriarchy in which women  continue to be grouped as private. The nature of the politics also is worth it to be mentioned. Women continue to be accommodated in a patriarchal structure and hence at the end of the day, it defeats the purpose of them being ‘elevated’.

Just to prove that men are very unfaithful partners in collective action in achieving gender equality politically is the issue which was raised by Bari (2005). Council meetings are held at very odd hours, thereby conflicting with women’s domestic responsibilities (that is in both the productive and reproductive spheres). This proves how much the National Gender Policies in most countries of the world are just paper tigers and yet practically women are being left helpless at the mercy of men who in most cases are showing utter disrespect for the pieces of legislation.

Moving away from participation in the political aspects of women’s lives, it is important to look at the education sector in general and the Higher and Tertiary education in particular. This is another area which determines whether a democratic society is being fully realized. A study which was carried out at a United Kingdom university. It was deduced that though policies to ensure equal opportunities for both women and men and gender monitoring mechanisms are in place, a very insignificant number of women progressed to assuming the role of Senior academic. This was due to women being handicapped by ‘well ingrained structural and cultural barriers’. Foster (2001) then quoted other respondents saying that they opted to resign or to put their careers on hold.

The same study was carried out in Australia and South Africa by Butler (2005). Women felt that their ideas were being neglected or ignored. After ascending to senior levels in any organization, women encounter the ‘power of the male hegemony that is prepared to accommodate but not to have their dominance challenged’ White (2000). Certainly, the evidence proves beyond any reasonable doubt that even those nations of the First world like Australia who boast about their ‘democracy’ are being found wanting when it comes to practicing what they claim to stand for. This justifies the argument that there is still a wide gap between what the Gender Policies agitate for and what really transpires on the ground.   

Moreover, despite years of anti-discrimination legislation against women in Nigeria, the state itself failed to practice what it preaches with regards to the rise in the academic hierarchy for women. The national Gender policy sought ‘to achieve minimum threshold of representation for women in order to promote equal opportunity in all areas ‘. As has been the case mostly it is not the policy with problem but the situation on the ground.  A survey by UNESCO of women occupying positions of higher education management, the ratio was that of 20:1.

To add further weight to the above line of argument is the Lithuanian example where the law recognizes the equality of both men and women. As is generally the case men were found to be earning a fifth more than women for the same job. Women’s participation in the labour market, according to Husu et al (2010) amounts to 60% and their rate of unemployment is lower than that of men. As such women’s chances of being the Poverty Datum Line is 21% for women and 16.7% for women. A logical explanation to explain this sad development is the failure of women to influence political decisions practically.

Among the several types of discrimination faced by women in the workplace is that associated with pregnancy, motherhood and potential motherhood. During the pregnancy period, women face quite a significant amount of discrimination. It comes in different shapes and sizes. Usually it come in a very tangible and direct way as noted by Makela(2010) Other forms of discrimination come in the form of cruel comments and negative reaction after announcement of the pregnancy. Usually this discrimination would be coming directly from their supervisors Gregory (2001) In Lithuania laws protect women who take maternity leave. A position has to be secured for her until she comes to work. However, it is well known across the general public that when a woman returns to work after maternity leave, she will be happy with getting a job since her original higher position would have been taken up usually by her male counterpart.

Another striking example of gender discrimination in Bolivia is shown in the illiteracy of more than two thirds of adults being women. According to the Committee on Economic Social and Cultural Rights (CESCR), the right to education was classified as an economic right. It is also a social and political since it is central to the realization of both. The problem lies with policy and practice which need to be re oriented to ensure the deconstruction of gender stereotypes.  Global Campaign for Education( February 2012)

However, though there are cases where legislation is there to ensure equality between men and women and women are still found being discriminated against, one ought to note that to a lesser extent women have achieved equality with men under such conditions. An example to clarify this point of view is that of female academics who were interviewed at the Ankara University in Turkey. They responded that there was no form of discrimination in both academic promotion and management in the university. 63.7 % argued that being a woman was far from being an advantage. This suggested equality between men and women thereby justifying the view that to a lesser extent legislation has really helped elevate women to equal status with men. Husu et al (2010)

Moreover, if one is to analyse the SADC Protocol which stipulates that women should get at least 30% of political offices, then it will be realized that the problem in most cases might be too far-fetched if one would blame different signatories for failing to fully practice it in an attempt to democratize the political space in their respective countries. The protocol itself can be argued to be undemocratic since women constitute a larger fraction as compared to men. In order for equality to be achieved then it has to be a 50- 50 situation. With this in mind therefore it would be logical to deduce that to a less extent the problem of gender inequality is not a product of lack of proper enforcement mechanisms but rather that of misguided policies which by their very nature are not geared towards achieving gender equality  National Gender Policy Zimababwe (2013- 2017).

In conclusion, it is accurate to a significant extent to argue that the 21^st century is indeed ironic, since it has policies to achieve democracy through ensuring the equality of men and women yet practically women are still under the dominion of their male counterparts. Evidence from across the globe has been overwhelmingly given to reinforce the argument. The gap between policy and implementation is ever growing. By any standards this is undemocratic since women constitute a large number more than men. Gender disparities can be witnessed in the economic social and political arena. Women lack the adequate political representation as they are usually confined to the domestic sphere. This cripples their economic and social lives as the nexus between the two has been discussed before. It is important to note however that there are cases in which women have been elevated to equal status with men as enunciated in the respective Gender Policies. Another problem was also noted that it really does not emanate from the lack of enforcing legislation but rather is with the Gender Policies themselves which are misguided as they are not democratic.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Ann, P (1998) Feminisms and politics, Oxford University Press, Britain

Bari, F (2005) ‘Women’s political participation’ issues and challenges (draft), United Nations, Thailand

Butler, C (2005) Women academics’ views of their professional advancement at a higher education institution, Thesis submitted to the Faculty of Education, University of Johannesburg, South Africa

Foster, N (2001) A case study of women academics’ views in equal opportunities, career prospects and work- family conflicts in a UK University, Development International

Gregory, R.F (2001) Women and work place discrimination: overcoming barriers to gender equality, Rutgers University Press

Leacock, E (1977) ‘Reflection on Conference of women and development’ in Women and National development: The complexity of change, Wesley editorial committee, Chicago University Press, Chicago

Makela, L, ‘Stories of pregnancy related discrimination and returning to work after maternity leave’ in Husu, L, Hearn, J, Maija, A and Vanhala, S (Eds) (2010) ‘Leadership through gender lens, women and men in organisations’ , Heles school of economics, Helenski

National Gender policy (2013-2017), The Republic of Zimbabwe, Ministry of Women Affairs, Gender and Community Development

Rai, M (2000) International Perspective on Gender and governance, MacMillan Press Great Britain

Sachikonye L et al, (2007) Consolidating democratic governance in Southern Africa: Zimbabwe, EISA, South Africa

Urban Councils Association of Zimbabwe, (2006) Report on the best practices in participatory budget process for five cities study, Harare

 v

Women Empowerment and the Zimbabwean Indigenous Policy

Women’s empowerment has multiple meanings and is associated with a diversity of strategies. For example, within mainstream development discourse of the 1990s, it was often used by organizations focused on enlarging the choices and productivity levels of individual women, for the most part, in isolation from a feminist agenda; and in the context of a withdrawal of state responsibility for broad-based economic and social support. However, in the 1970s, when the concept was first invoked by women’s organizations, it was explicitly used to frame and facilitate the struggle for social justice and women’s equality through a transformation of economic, social and political structures at national and international levels,” (Bisnath and Elson; 1). Thus, the initial theoretical framework through which the original concept of women’s empowerment was produced acknowledged inequalities between men and women, situated women’s subordination in the family, the community, the market and the state, and emphasized that women experienced oppression differently according to their race, class, colonial history and their country’s position in the international economic order. In addition, it maintained that women have to challenge oppressive structures and processes simultaneously, and at multiple levels, thereby creating the space for empowerment to occur at both the individual and collective levels (Sen and Grown, 1987; Antrobus, 1989; and Moser, 1989).

The indigenisation and democratization of the Zimbabwean economy should  not be merely a moral initiative designed to overthrow the legacy of a past discriminatory colonial economic system, it instead should serve as a pragmatic development strategy designed to unleash the nations full economic potential. However, neither the pasts wrongs nor future's promise can be addressed without prioritising women's economic empowerment. In order to appreciate whether the National Indigenisation and Economic Empwerment  Act empowers women it is necessary to firstly, understand that under colonial misrule black women suffered double-edged discrimination and dis-empowerment as women and as black people.

If the Act is interested in women’s empowerment (as is claimed in In Chapter 14:33,), then it follows that it’s strategies should be concerned with strategies for women’s empowerment. It is therefore important to first have a brief discussion of Sarah Longwe’s Women Empowerment Framework (WEF). The Longwe Framework is an evaluative tool which helps planners or developmentalists to evaluate the progress made in project meant to achieve gender equality and women empowerment. It helps planners to critically assess the extent to which projects achieve and support women empowerment (March et al 1999). Longwe believes that poverty amongst women is a result of oppression and exploitation hence to put an end to this poverty, there is utmost need to empower women. The Longwe model defines women empowerment as an exercise or process whereby women achieve or attain control of the means and modes of production, equally participating in the development process with their male counterparts and also being in direct control of their own lives. This definition of empowerment is key in the understanding of the basis of the Longwe framework. Longwe’s definition is also supported by scholars like P Mugwini (2007). In a broader context empowerment refers to the efforts or measures to include and bring the marginalized that are outside socio-economic and political structures as a way of dismantling the discriminatory social constructions (Mugwini 2007; p125).

The efforts will aim to eradicate legal structures that favour men over women, socio-economic disparities that place women at a lower status compared to men, unequal opportunities in accessing key needs and services and most importantly uneven accessibility to economic resources (UN Development Fund for Women :2008). Hence the Longwe framework emphasizes on five different levels that can demonstrate the degree to which women are equal to men (March et al 1999). The extent to which these are present in socio-economic life determines the level of women empowerment. The levels of equality are control, participation, consientization, access and welfare. The levels are placed in the order of importance and the more they increase equality between men and women the higher they increase and achieve women empowerment.

Empowerment  def: UNIFEM (the United Nations Development Fund for Women) considers that women’s economic empowerment is essential for any strategy of poverty alleviation and defines this as “having access to and control over the means to make a living on a sustainable and long term basis, and receiving the material benefits of this access and control. Such a definition goes beyond short-term goals of increasing women’s access to income and looks for longer term sustainable benefits, not only in terms of changes to laws and policies that constrain women’s participation in and benefits from development, but also in terms of power relationships at the household, community and market levels” (Carr; 2).

Economic empowerment is the capacity of women and men to participate in, contribute to and benefit from growth processes in ways which recognise the value of their contributions, respect their dignity and make it possible to negotiate a fairer distribution of the benefits of growth. Eyben, R and others (2008),

The Thesaurus defines indigenous as native or original

 The Act defines indigenisation as a deliberate involvement of indigenous Zimbabweans in the economic activities of the country, to which hitherto they had no access, so as to ensure the equitable ownership of the nation's resources.

According to the Act an indigenous Zimbabwean means any person who, before April 18 1980 was disadvantaged by unfair discrimination on the grounds of his or her race and any descendant of such a person. This includes any company, association, syndicate or partnership which indigenous Zimbabweans form the majority of the members or hold a controlling interest

The business case for expanding women’s economic opportunities is becoming increasingly evident and is smart economics but the ACT still maintains the Zimbabwean industry and commerce as predominantly the domain of men, who own most businesses in all sectors. The levels of women’s participation in industry and commerce and business entrepreneurship as envisaged by the ACT continue to be unacceptably low. According to the General Regulations of 2010, the threshold for acquisition of 51% pertains to foreign-owned businesses with a net asset value of or above US$500 000. By implication, a 51% share means that the indigenous Zimbabwean, or consortium of indigenous Zimbabweans, would need to have capital of at least $255 000 to control a company effectively. The majority of Zimbabwean women might not have the capacity to raise the required share capital. Considering the fact that women bear the brunt of poverty in this country Efforts to enhance and improve women’s participation as stipulated by Longwe are disappointing. Longwe defines participation as women’s equal participation in the decision making process, in policy making, planning and administration.

Furthermore it is clear is that the Regulations preclude women from acquiring a substantial number of shares in the indigenized companies.  According to J. Matunhu ,the education and business acumen requirement also precludes poor people in the rural areas who are mainly women from  acquiring of the shares. It is only the rich who qualify to have the controlling shares of a company. In view of the above, one can safely conclude that the indigenisation policy targets people with the expertise necessary to start their own business operations. No wonder why Matzyszak (2011) claims that the indigenisation policy in Zimbabwe has been drafted to enrich those who are already rich. Longwe’s most important tool in redressing gender equality and achieving women empowerment is enhancing their ability to be in control (March et al 1999). This refers to women and men’s equal control over resources, opportunities and decision making.  Equal control denotes a balance of control between men and women so that there is no exploitation or domination of one sex by the other.

Longwe also considers women’s welfare as a key tool towards gender equality and women empowerment. This involves the level of material welfare of women relative to their male counterparts with respect to food supply, income and medical care. This is an area that has faced serious and bigger challenges and the empowerment efforts have been negatively affected. The Community Share Ownership Scheme fails to be explicit on the benefits to be accrued by people at household level thus automatically excluding women who are naturally the caregivers and the sex with the family “at heart.” The act fails to provide for women’s welfare which through them would benefit the family, hence the community culminating into the nation at large.

Longwe’s most important tool in redressing gender equality and achieving women empowerment is enhancing their ability to be in control (March et al 1999). This refers to women and men’s equal control over resources, opportunities and decision making.  Equal control denotes a balance of control between men and women so that there is no exploitation or domination of one sex by the other. Zimbabwe's empowerment legislation contains several clauses which seem specifically designed to achieve elite enrichment. For instance, Section 15(1) requires the Minister (who is male) to maintain a database of people who are potential beneficiaries of controlling interests in non-indigenous businesses. There is no guarantee that the Minister will consider women. A quota system might have improved the chances of women being included in the data base.

According to the United Nations Action plan of 2005  participation involves women’s involvement in needs, assessment, project implementation and analysis (United Nations Action Plan 2005) and making decisions that positively affect the communities they live in. However The legislation leaves the Minister with a broad discretion as to who may be put forward as a participant in an indigenisation scheme. As mentioned before,The Minister is a male in a male dominated government which has a tendency of operating as a “clique” might have lost touch with the day to day challenges women. If the Minister is not sensitive to the needs of women and 'if he  is not satisfied' that the application is made 'in good faith’ they stand to suffer neglect just as they did during and after colonial rule. The provision concerning the maintenance of a database must be read with section 5 of the Regulations, which gives the Minister discretion to decide whether to approve or reject an indigenisation plan or to attach conditions to such a plan. This proves beyond any reasonable doubt that the Act fails to empower the indigenous woman.

Women’s empowerment is assumed to be attainable through different points of departure, including political mobilization, consciousness raising and education. In addition, changes where and when necessary, in laws, civil codes, systems of property rights, and the social and legal institutions that underwrite male control and privilege, are assumed to be essential for the achievement of women’s equality. So, the other challenge is the extent to which the CDT Fund will be able to balance the gender developmental needs of communities. Notably, development is a relative term and so women and men have different developmental needs. Community shares might breed conflict and animosity among sexes. Thus resulting in a struggle within a struggle, it is most likely that the women will lose.

The impending indigenisation guidelines do not incentivise businesses to hire and promote black women to managerial and executive-level positions in specific ways. There should have been a reward system through companies that can demonstrate a percentage of black women in their workforces, and beyond that, a percentage holding manager-level or higher positions, should earn empowerment credits.  Businesses that employ equitable percentages of women in senior roles and across the firm, as well as pay them equally with their male counterparts should also qualify for empowerment credits. This would have opened the floodgates for womwn’s hands on training, education so as to qualify for the top post ascending therefore to Sara Longwe’s Concientisation. Zimbabwe’s efforts to address Longwe’s Concientisation have so far been extremely disappointing, according to Longwe Concientisation refers to women’s awareness of the difference between sex and gender. This entails that division of labour by sex should be fair and uniform and should exclude social perception and be influenced by one sex’s political and economic domination. The efforts made have yielded what Longwe’s framework describes as the negative level. There has been a feminization of labour especially those women who are considered less educated or illiterate (Esplen and Brody 2007, p4).

The Act does not encourage firms to meet indigenisation targets by creating Employee Share Ownership Plans (ESOP) for groups of female employees. An ESOP is a means through which employees can own a share of the company they work for and employee ownership increases production and profitability, and improves employees' dedication and sense of ownership. Here lacks what Longwe terms mobilization. Mobilisation means women’s collective action to analyse and identify the discriminatory practices that stand in their way, and collective and strategic action to remove these discriminatory practices (Longwe; 2002)

For those not directly employed by any corporation worth at least $500,000, the National Indigenous and Economic Empowerment Fund should does not create and support gender sensitive financial schemes to assist women to start and develop businesses. Special rewards such as tax incentives should also be given to financial institutions that have special programmes to support disadvantaged groups, especially women in business. This would have allowed women to have control over their own Small to Medium Enterprises, thus going hand in hand with Longwe’s Framework. The Government of Zimbabwe through the Act and other stakeholders should have been working flat-out to redress inequality in terms of control of factors of production and distribution of benefits. The Regulations should create a uniform platform for both men and women to be in control of factors of production and distribution of benefits starting ate household level to the national

Successful empowerment strategies also require the direct involvement of women in the planning and implementation of projects. The process of empowerment evolves like a spiral, involving changes in consciousness, the identification of target areas for change, and analyses of actions and outcomes, “which leads in turn to higher levels of consciousness and more finely honed and better executed strategies” (Batliwala, 1994). As a result, empowerment cannot be a “top down or one way process”, nor can there be a fixed formula for its achievement.

According to (Batliwala, 1994), the economic development approach situates “women’s economic vulnerability at the centre of their powerlessness”, and assumes that economic empowerment positively impacts various aspects of women’s existence. Its strategies are built around strengthening women’s position as workers through organising and providing them with access to support services. Though this approach improves women’s economic position, she notes that it is unclear that this change necessarily empowers them in other dimensions of their lives. The new indigenisation policy might force capital to fly out of the country leaving the businesses to collapse and women to descend deeper into poverty. This has been witnessed when in 2000 the government took over land from whites and parcelled it to indigenous Zimbabweans. Production on farms plummeted and the country changed its position from being the 'bread basket' of Southern Africa to a net importer of food grain. Thus womens lack of access to to financial support services as advocated for by Longwe might result in them sinking deeper into the abyss.

 Batliwala(2004) also argues that the consciousness-raising and organising empowerment approach is based on a complex understanding of gender relations and women’s status. This method ascribes women’s powerlessness to the ideology and practice of patriarchy and socio-economic inequality. Unlike the Indigenisation Regulations, strategies should focus on organizing women to recognise and challenge gender- and class-based discrimination in all aspects of their lives. However, though successful in enabling women to address their strategic needs, this approach may not be as effective in assisting them to meet their immediate or practical needs. The process of empowerment involves, first, women recognising the ideology that legitimises male domination and understanding how it perpetuates their oppression.  

The Indigenisation and Economic Empowerment Act should not merely be a moral initiative designed to redress the wrongs of the past, but must instead serve as a pragmatic growth strategy designed to realise the nations full economic potential. However, neither the pasts wrongs nor future's promise can be addressed without prioritising women's economic empowerment. In respect to the Longwe framework one can observe that Zimbabwe’s efforts to initiate gender equality and women empowerment are from satisfactory. The majority of the efforts made so far fall in the negative and neutral level of Longwe’s Women Empowerment Framework. Despite the policies and efforts made, Zimbabwe lacks the necessary resources, negative attitude towards women empowerment and a very strong patriarchal background. Other limitations also emanate from lack of co-ordination between and amongst stakeholders. The emancipation and empowerment of women is not an easy task and for it to be achieved the Government of Zimbabwe should strengthen its efforts

1.      Sara Hlupekile Longwe (2002) Assessment of the Gender Orientation of NEPAD Consultant on Gender and Development Longwe Clarke and Associates. Lusaka

2.       Eyben, R and others (2008), Conceptualising empowerment and the implications for pro-poor growth, Institute of Development Studies at the University of Sussex, Brighton.

3.      Ann, P (1998) Feminisms and politics, Oxford University Press, Britain

4.      Bari, F (2005) ‘Women’s political participation’ issues and challenges (draft), United Nations, Thailand

5.      Butler, C (2005) Women academics’ views of their professional advancement at a higher education institution, Thesis submitted to the Faculty of Education, University of Johannesburg, South Africa

6.      Foster, N (2001) A case study of women academics’ views in equal opportunities, career prospects and work- family conflicts in a UK University, Development International

7.      Gregory, R.F (2001) Women and work place discrimination: overcoming barriers to gender equality, Rutgers University Press

8.      Leacock, E (1977) ‘Reflection on Conference of women and development’ in Women and National development: The complexity of change, Wesley editorial committee, Chicago University Press, Chicago

9.      National Gender policy (2013-2017), The Republic of Zimbabwe, Ministry of Women Affairs, Gender and Community Development

10.  Rai, M (2000) International Perspective on Gender and governance, MacMillan Press Great Britain

11.  Sachikonye L et al, (2007) Consolidating democratic governance in Southern Africa: Zimbabwe, EISA, South Africa

12.  Urban Councils Association of Zimbabwe, (2006) Report on the best practices in participatory budget process for five cities study, Harare